This briefing is the second in a series of two that aims to introduce the non-specialist reader to Chinese local government debt. The first briefing shed light on why local governments in China borrow and why it is a problem, this article will discuss the reform wave that began in 2013 and the final briefing will explore the determinants of local government bond yields. This paper will firstly present its conclusion and after that discuss the extent to which recent policies solve the causes and problems of local government debt in China that was identified in the first briefing.
1. Conclusion
The reform wave that began in 2013 has introduced policies addressing both why and how local governments in China borrow. While a range of fiscal reforms have been implemented, then they do not address the root cause of excessive borrowing: local governments face unfunded fiscal mandates, something that is reflected in a rising expense-to-revenue ratio. Exacerbating the inconsequential fiscal reforms is that local governments will be unable to rely on land sales for much longer, something land reforms have left unaddressed. More positively, a large loan-for-bond swap program has helped increase transparency for local government finances, although the central government has reduced the pace of reform.
2. Recent reforms related to local government debt
In 2013 a new reform wave aimed at the fiscal and debt situation of local governments began. Broader fiscal reforms began in 2013 (
source), and reforms directly related to local government debt began in 2014 (
source), and both types of reforms have expanded continuously since. When evaluating the effectiveness of these reforms, it is useful to think about how the reforms address fiscal-local relations (“why” local governments borrow) and the structure of local government debt (“how” local governments borrow).
The previous briefing argued that the local government debt problem is caused by unfunded fiscal mandates and an unfunded post-2008 fiscal stimulus program, and is a problem due to the increase in the size of debt, the reliance on land sales and an increasingly opaque debt structure. While the post-2008 fiscal stimulus program pushed local government finances towards unsustainable levels, then it was a temporary policy and will not be discussed further.
3. Do recent policies solve the root cause of unfunded fiscal mandates?
Current local government fiscal issues can be traced directly to 1994 fiscal reforms, and a range of policies targeting central-local fiscal relations have been passed since 2013. (The specific policies are listed in appendix A). Unfortunately, so far it appears that recent policies account for little more than lipstick on a pig – the policies do not solve the unfunded fiscal mandates that local governments face – something that the State Council recognizes by stating that “there will be no major change to the distribution of fiscal revenue between central and local governments” (
source).
Diagram 1 supports the above argument: there is evidence of a deterioration in the expenditure-to-revenue ratio of local governments since the middle of 2016. While the 2015-2016 decrease in the ratio that includes extra-budgetary items might be cause for optimism, then the simultaneous increase in the ratio that excludes extra-budgetary items could indicate that fiscal items have merely been shifted onto the budget.
Diagram 1: local government expenditure-to-revenue ratio (source)
It could be argued that reforms have only been implemented very recently, and that effects are therefore yet to be seen. This briefing, however, argues that economic indicators responded almost instantaneously following the 1994 fiscal reforms, why fiscal reforms should already be visible in aggregate numbers (- assuming that state capacity today is similar to in 1994)
4. Do policies address the problems associated with local government debt?
Major problems associated with local government debt in China include the increase in the size of debt, the reliance on land sales and the opacity of debt.
Size of debt
Although debt ceiling policies have been issued (
source) then local governments will not be able to stick to such policies unless their expenditure-to-revenue ratio decreases. One factor that should push the expenditure-to-revenue ratio down marginally is that the interest rate on new bonds issued by local governments (discussed more later) generally is lower than for bank loans or shadow bank financing (
source). Issuing bonds with lower interest rates, however, cannot be expected to reduce the expenditure-to-revenue ratio to a sustainable level by itself.
Reliance on land sales
Despite “land sales account[ing] for about 30 percent of local government revenue in 2016” (source) then recent land reforms do not address how local governments will overcome expected future decreases in land sales revenues. Land sales revenues are bound to decrease as a result of the average sales price of government land decreasing (source) and as the supply of land is predicted to be exhausted by 2021 (source). The reason for this is that an increasing share of the land being sold by local governments is being used for infrastructure, rather than e.g. industrial, commercial or residential purposes. Land used for infrastructure sells for much lower prices than other types of land (
source).
Opacity of debt
More consequential, though, are the policies addressing the opacity of Chinese local government debt. As a result of bans on borrowing, local governments have sought financing outside of regular banking channels, with one example being local government financing vehicles (LGFVs). Two policy trends are addressing the opacity of local government debt: (i) off-balance sheet liabilities being transformed into on-balance sheet liabilities, and (ii) loans being swapped for bonds.
(i) A 2014 policy (
source) recognized around two-thirds of LGFV debt – amounting to 17% of GDP – as being explicit local government debt (
source). This one-off policy has allowed for a better understanding of the de facto size of local government liabilities, and can be expected to provide a more accurate classification of future liabilities if adhered to going forward.
(ii) Since 2014 local governments have been allowed to issue bonds (
source), and are required to swap both LGFV liabilities and regular local government bank loans for publicly listed bonds. The bonds can be issued with fixed coupons and 1-, 3-, 5-, 7- or 10-year maturities (
source). Government policies detailing how local government bond crises would be handled further increase transparency (
source). While the crises-handling policies state that the central government would not bail out local governments, then this is not considered credible by mainstream China analysts. Analyst consensus appears to be that while the central governments might let a small number of LGFVs default, then it is not expected that the central government would allow widespread defaults. So far policy implementation has been rather successful: debt arising from loan-for-bond swaps has increased from 0% of GDP in 2014 to 4.5% in 2015 and 10.8% in 2016 (
source). The IMF “assumes that future financing needs will be increasingly met by bond issuance, in line with the authorities’ plan to replace all local government debt with bonds” (
source) by 2018 (
source), something reflected in diagram 2 below.
Diagram 2: stock of outstanding local government bonds (
source)
This briefing argues that the move toward on-balance sheet bonds is an effective way to increase the transparency of local government finances for a couple of reasons. Firstly, publicly listed bonds should allow the central government to leverage the collective insights of financial markets to monitor local governments. Additionally, whereas off-balance sheet liabilities embody uncertainty (that cannot be quantified) due to poor information regarding the size, quality, and interconnectedness of liabilities among other factors, then listing local government debt will allow for better quantification of risks.
One negative point about the bond swap program is that the central government is dragging its feet. The central government is trying to limit local government bond issuance due to worries about excessive borrowing, resulting in a 48% year-over-year drop in Q2 2017 local government bond issuance (source, based on the four-quarter moving average)
. The impact of the debt ceilings is
reflected in the 2016-2017 local government bond issuance seen in diagram 3 below. Ironically, and as discussed above, the bond swap program cannot solve how much local governments borrow, only how they do so. This briefing argues that preventing local governments from raising financing in public markets could just force the local governments to return to shadow banking. Despite the feet-dragging then there are no indications that the bond-swap program will be discontinued.
Diagram 3: local government bond issuance over time (
source)
5. Appendix A: reform policies
Policies that address the root cause of unfunded fiscal mandates:
- VAT and resource tax reforms (source, source, and source)
- Procurement and outsourcing of public services, including public-private partnerships (source, source and source)
- Requiring local governments to have balanced budgets and banning off-balance sheet finances (source)
- Improving central-local fiscal transfer mechanisms (source and source)
- Aligning generous public-sector pensions with private-sector standards (source)
Bond-swap program policies:
- First policy discussing local government bonds (source)
- Local bond market established (source)
- Specific-purpose bonds launched. These types of bonds will be repaid using only revenue from a specific project (e.g. a toll road) (source)
- Debt ceiling introduced (source)
- Further policies on local government bonds (source)
- Further policies on specific-purpose bonds (source)
- Guidelines on how to manage local government bond defaults (source)
- Debt ceiling regulations relaxed slightly (source)
- Crackdown on off-balance sheet borrowing (source)